【双语阅读】奥巴马总统在东京发表演讲（全文）

奥巴马总统在东京发表演讲（全文）
2009年11月13日，美国总统奥巴马在日本东京(Tokyo, Japan)发表演讲，以下是演讲的中文译文，由美国国务院国际信息局(IIP)根据白宫提供的记录稿翻译。
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白宫
新闻秘书办公室
即时发布
2009年11月14日
巴拉克·奥巴马总统发表演讲
日本东京
三得利音乐厅（Suntory Hall）
2009年11月14日
日本标准时间上午10:12
奥巴马总统：十分感谢。Arigatou（谢谢）。多谢大家。（掌声）早上好。十分荣幸来到东京，我作为美国总统首次亚洲之行的第一站。（掌声）谢谢。来到你们这么多人中间感到十分高兴，这里有日本人士，我还看见一些美国人。（掌声）大家每天都在为增强我们两国间的关系而工作，包括我的老朋友和新任驻日大使约翰?鲁斯（John Roos）。（掌声）
再次来到日本真令人高兴。我小时候，母亲带我来过镰仓（Kamakura），在那里，我抬头望见历史悠久的和平与安宁的象征——巨大的青铜阿弥陀佛（Amida Buddha）。作为一个孩子，抹茶冰淇淋（macha ice cream）对我更有吸引力。（笑声）我要感谢鸠山（Hatoyama）首相，昨天的晚宴上有更多的冰淇淋，与我一起分享了过去的一些回忆。（笑声和掌声）多谢大家。但我从未忘记日本人民对一个远离家乡的美国孩子所表现的热情好客。
在此次访问期间，我感受到了同样的热情。因为鸠山首相给予了殷勤的接待。我还有幸在天皇即位20周年之际会见天皇和皇后陛下。日本人民也展示了热情好客的风貌。当然，我来到这里不可能不向日本小滨市（Obama）市民表示我的问候和感激之情。（掌声）
我的亚洲之行从这里开始，理由很简单。我自就职以来，努力恢复美国的主导地位，在共同利益和相互尊重的基础上寻求与世界交往的新时代。而我们在亚太地区的努力在很大程度上将植根于美日之间历久弥新的同盟关系。
从我就职之初开始，我就努力加强紧密联系我们两国的纽带。我在白宫迎来的首位外国领导人就是日本首相，而且，国务卿希拉里?克林顿（Hillary Clinton）的首次出访目的地是亚洲，首站为日本，这是将近50年来美国国务卿第一次这样做。（掌声）
再过两个月，我们的同盟将迎来50周年纪念日，50年前的这一天，德怀特·艾森豪威尔（Dwight Eisenhower）总统与日本首相并肩而立，他说，我们两国正在建立基于“平等和相互理解”的“牢不可破的伙伴关系”。
在此后半个世纪中，这一同盟作为两国安全与繁荣的基础持续至今。这一同盟帮助我们成为世界上最大的两个经济体，日本成为美国在北美以外的最大的贸易伙伴。随着日本在世界舞台上发挥更大的作用，这一同盟关系也不断演变，对世界各地的稳定作出了重大贡献——从伊拉克（Iraq）重建到在非洲之角（Horn of Africa）沿海地区打击海盗活动，乃至向阿富汗（Afghanistan ）和巴基斯坦（Pakistan）人民提供援助，最近一次则是在进一步承诺支持该地区的国际发展努力中发挥了重大的带头作用。
最重要的是，我们的同盟经受住了考验，因为它反映了我们共同的价值观——一种对自由的人民自行选择领导人并实现自己的梦想的民主权利之信念； 一种让鸠山首相和我自己能以誓言变革而竞选成功的信念。让我们同心协力，为我们的人民和我们的同盟发挥新一代领导人的作用。
正是出于这个原因，在这个历史的紧要关头，我们两人不仅再次肯定了我们的同盟——还同意深化这种同盟。我们已经同意，将通过联合工作组加速实施我们两国政府就调整驻冲绳（Okinawa）美军问题达成的协议。在我们的同盟不断发展并适应未来的过程中，我们始终不遗余力地维护艾森豪威尔总统很久以前阐明的那种精神，即一种平等且相互尊重的伙伴关系。（掌声）
我们在本地区的承诺虽然以日本为开端，但并不以这里为终点。美利坚合众国虽然发源于大西洋沿岸的一系列港口和城市，但我们世世代代始终是一个太平洋国家。亚洲和美国并没有被太平洋阻断，而是被太平洋联系在一起。我们依靠历史联系在一起——通过为建设美国出力的亚洲移民，还有一代又一代为保障这个地区的安全和自由而服役并做出奉献的美国军人。我们依靠共同繁荣联系在一起——贸易和商业与千百万个就业机会和众多家庭的生计息息相关。我们依靠我们的人民联系在一起——丰富了美国生活方方面面的美国亚裔，还有各自的生活相互交织在一起的所有的人，就像我们各个国家紧密相连一样。
我的人生经历就是这个历程的一部分。我作为美国总统，出生在夏威夷（Hawaii），年少时曾在印度尼西亚（Indonesia）生活。我妹妹马娅（Maya）出生在雅加达（Jakarta），后来嫁给了一位加拿大籍华人。我母亲在东南亚地区的村庄里工作了近十年，帮助妇女购买缝纫机或接受教育，使她们有可能在世界经济中有一个立足之地。因此，太平洋周边地区影响了我的世界观的形成。
从那时至今，也许没有任何一个地区的变化如此之快、如此之大。统制经济已让位于开放的市场。专制政权转变成民主制度。生活水平上升，贫困程度下降。通过所有这些变化，美国和亚太地区的命运比以往更加紧密地联系在一起。
因此，我希望每一个人都知道，我希望美国每一个人都知道，这个地区的未来与我们利害攸关，因为这里发生的一切对我们国内的生活有着直接的影响。在这里，我们从事大量的商务活动，购进了大多数商品。在这里，我们可以出口我国更多的产品，这个过程也为国内创造了就业机会。在这里，核武器竞赛的危险威胁着整个世界的安全。在这里，玷污了一个伟大宗教的极端主义分子试图策划对我们两个大洲发动袭击。没有亚太地区崛起的大国和发展中国家的参与，就不会有解决能源安全和应对气候挑战的办法。
为了应对这些共同的挑战，美国寻求与本地区国家巩固已有的同盟并建立新的伙伴关系。为此，我们需依靠美国与日本、韩国（South Korea）、澳大利亚（, Australia）、泰国（Thailand）和菲律宾(Philippines)达成的盟约——这些盟约不依靠过时的历史文献，而要求坚持对我们的共同安全有着根本意义的具有相互约束力的承诺。
这些同盟关系继续为本地区国家和人民奠定了安全与稳定的基础，使他们得以追求机会和繁荣，而这些在我第一次访问日本时是根本无法想象的。即使美国军队正在这个世界上卷入了两场战争，我们对于日本和亚洲的安全承诺仍然不可动摇。（掌声）这可以从我们在整个地区的部署中清楚地看到——尤其是通过我们的年青的男女军人。我为他们感到骄傲。
我们看到，新兴国家正蓄势待发，准备在亚洲太平洋地区以至全世界发挥更大的作用，如印度尼西亚和马来西亚（Malaysia）等国已采取民主制度，发展其经济，并希望挖掘本国人民的巨大潜力。
我们还看到一些国家正日益强盛。我们认为在21世纪，一个国家的安全和经济增长不必以损害其他国家为代价，我知道，许多人都质疑我们对中国兴盛的看法，但正如我说过的——在一个相互联系的世界上，实力不必用于你死我活的对抗，各国也无须忧惧他国的成功。发展相互合作的领域——不是势力范围的相互竞争——将为亚太地区带来进步。 （掌声）
如同与任何其他国家交往一样，美国处理与中国的关系也以我们的利益为重点。但这正是为什么我们在有共同利益的问题上要求与中国进行具有实效的合作，因为没有任何一个国家可以单独应对21世纪的各项挑战。美国和中国如果能共同迎接挑战，就能达到双赢的结果。这也正是为什么我们欢迎中国在世界舞台上发挥更大的作用——这种作用要求在经济日益增长的同时，相应承担更大的责任。事实证明，与中国的合作伙伴关系对于我们刺激经济复苏的努力至关重要。中国增进了阿富汗和巴基斯坦的安全和稳定，现在正致力于全球防核扩散制度，并支持朝鲜半岛无核化的努力。
因此，美国并不寻求遏制中国，与中国深化关系也不意味着削弱我们与其他国家的双边联盟。相反，一个强大、繁荣的中国的崛起可以加强国际社会的力量。
因此，无论是在北京还是在别处，我们都将努力深化我们的“战略与经济对话”（Strategic and Economic Dialogue），同时增进双方军队之间的交流。当然，我们不可能对所有的问题达成共识。为我们珍视的基本价值观大声疾呼，美国从来都不会动摇，其中包括尊重所有人民的宗教和文化，因为维护人权与人类尊严在美国已经根深蒂固。但是我们仍然可以本着合作的精神推进这些磋商，不再纠缠于相互的积怨。
除了我们的双边关系之外，我们认为多边组织的发展也能够增进这个地区的安全与繁荣。我了解，近年来美国与此类组织的关系疏远，因此希望在此明确表示：那些日子一去不复返了。作为一个亚太国家，美国期待着参与事关本地区前途的讨论，并随着有关组织的建立和发展全力参与。 （掌声）
这就是我要在本次出访中开始做的工作。亚太经济合作论坛将继续促进本地区的商务和繁荣。我期盼着今晚出席该论坛的会议。东南亚国家联盟（ASEAN）将继续是推动东南亚对话、合作与安全的动力，我期盼着成为与东盟所有10个成员国的领导人会晤的第一位美国总统。（掌声）随着东亚峰会在应对当代挑战的过程中发挥作用，美国期待着以更正式的方式与之接触。
我们寻求这种更加深入与广泛的接触，因为我们知道我们共同的未来取决于这种接触。我想略微谈一下这样的未来将是一种什么景象，我们必须为促进我们的繁荣、我们的安全、我们的普遍价值观与愿望做些什么。
首先，我们必须加强我们的经济复苏，争取实现平衡与持续的增长。
亚太地区国家和其他国家迅速采取前所未有和协调一致的行动，避免了一场经济灾难，有助于我们开始摆脱这一场几代人以来最严重的衰退。我们为改革国际经济结构采取了具有历史意义的举措，因此20国集团现已成为国际经济合作的主要渠道。
重心向20国集团的转移 ––  加上亚洲国家在国际金融机构获得更大的发言权 ––  明确显示美国力求在21世纪进行更广泛和更具有包容性的接触。日本作为8国集团（G-8）的一个重要会员国，已经并将继续为建设未来的国际金融结构发挥重要作用。（掌声）
目前我们已经开始经济复苏，但还须保证经济复苏的持续性。我们显然不能再走导致产生全球衰退的“繁荣与泡沫”恶性循环的老路。我们不能再执行造成不平衡增长的同样政策。这次经济衰退给予我们的重要教训之一是，主要依靠美国消费者和亚洲出口推动经济增长存在着种种局限。因为一旦美国人身陷债务或失去工作，对亚洲商品的需求就会骤然下降。需求大幅度下跌，这个地区的出口也会大幅度下跌。由于这个地区的经济如此依赖出口，增长就会随之停滞。结果只会造成全球衰退的进一步加深。
我们现在已经处在历史上罕见的转折点之一，我们在这里有机会走上一条不同的道路。这条道路必须以我们在匹兹堡（Pittsburgh ）20国集团会议上作出的保证为起点，采取新的战略实现经济平衡增长。
我在新加坡还要更多地谈到这个问题；但是在美国，这项新战略意味着增加储蓄和撙节开支，改革我们的金融系统，降低我们的长期赤字。这还意味着进一步以出口为重点，从而我们可以进行制造、生产并在全世界范围销售。对于美国来说，这是一项创造就业的战略。目前，我们的出口支持了美国千百万待遇优厚的工作。只要略增加出口就有可能创造出数百万个工作机会。这些工作包罗万象，从制造风力涡轮、太阳能电池板到你们每天使用的技术等。
对亚洲而言，取得这种更好的平衡将为劳工阶层和消费者提供一个机会，使之能够享受由于他们大幅度提高生产率而带来的更高的生活水平。这种平衡还有助于增加住房、基础设施和服务行业的投资。一个更加平衡的全球经济将使更大范围内的更多人受益于经济繁荣。
数十年来，美国市场是世界上开放程度最高的市场之一，这种开放带动这个地区和其他地区的许多国家在上个世纪取得了成功。在这个新时代，开放全球各地的其他市场对美国以及世界的繁荣都至关重要。
此项新战略的一个不可或缺的部分是努力达成一项雄心勃勃的、平衡的多哈协议——不是一项普通的协议，而是一项能够在世界各地开放市场和增加出口的协议。我们已经做好准备，与我们的亚洲伙伴协作，寻求及时达到这一目标——我们邀请亚太地区的贸易伙伴和我们一道参加谈判。
我们还认为，这个地区内各经济体之间的进一步整合将使我们各国的劳工阶层、消费者和企业受益。我们将与我们的友邦韩国协作，共同处理需要解决的问题，推进与他们达成贸易协议的工作。美国还将与跨太平洋伙伴关系国家接触，以达成一项地区性协议，这项协议将拥有众多会员，并达到21世纪贸易协议所应有的高标准。
通过伙伴关系共同努力——这将是我们继续推动经济复苏、创造共同繁荣的方式。但是，仅仅寻求平衡的增长还不够，我们还需要确保增长的可持续性——为了我们的地球，也为了将在地球上生活的子孙后代。
在过去10个月中，美国在控制气候变化方面采取的措施已经超过了多年来所有努力的总和，这些措施包括：接受科学论证，投资于新能源，提高节能标准，缔结新的伙伴关系，参加有关气候变化的国际谈判。总之，美国意识到有更多的工作要做——而我们正在履行我们的责任，并将继续这样做。
这包括努力在哥本哈根取得成功。我深知任务艰巨，并不存有幻想，但前进的道路是明确的。所有国家都必须承担其责任。那些排放量名列前茅的国家——包括我自己的国家——必须制定明确的减排目标。发展中国家也必须在财政和技术的支持下采取实质行动减少排放。对于各国在国内采取的行动，必须保持透明度和建立问责制。
我们每一个国家都必须尽最大努力做到在发展经济的同时不危及我们的地球——我们必须共同完成这项任务。令人欣慰的是，如果我们建立合理的规则与奖励机制，就会激发最出色的科学家、工程师和创业者的创造力，从而带来新的就业机会、新的企业和新的行业。 在这方面，日本历来名列前茅。在我们为实现这个重要的全球目标而努力之际，我们期待着与你们结成重要的伙伴。（掌声）
但是，即使在应对21世纪这一挑战的同时，我们也必须作出加倍努力，遏制20世纪给我们遗留的安全威胁——核武器的危险。
我在布拉格申明，美国决心在世界上消除核武器，并为达到这一目标提出了一项全面计划。（掌声）我对日本参与到这一努力中来感到欣慰，因为地球上没有任何国家比这两个国家更懂得这些武器的后果，因此我们必须共同寻求一个无核武的未来。这对我们共同的安全至关重要，这对我们共通的人道是巨大考验。我们的未来与此息息相关。
现在，但我必须说明：只要这些武器仍然存在，美国就将保持强大和有效的核威慑力，为我们的盟国——包括日本和韩国——提供防御保障。（掌声）
但是，我们必须认识到，军备竞赛在这个地区的加剧将会破坏几十年来不断扩大的安全与繁荣。因此，我们必须坚持《不扩散核武器条约》（Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty）的基本协议，即所有国家都享有和平使用核能的权利；拥有核武器的国家有责任采取核裁军行动；不拥有核武器的国家有责任不予谋求。
的确，日本已为世界作出榜样，它显示，真正的和平与实力可以通过这条道路实现。（掌声）几十年来，日本在不发展核武器的同时，已经享受到核能源和平用途的种种好处——无论从任何意义衡量，这都使日本更加安全，处境更加有利。
为履行我们的责任——并且推动我在布拉格提出的计划，我们在日本的帮助下，一致通过了一项联合国安理会决议，支持这一国际努力。我们正在争取与俄罗斯就削减我们的核库存达成一项新协定。我们将为使《禁止核试验条约》(Test Ban Treaty)获得批准并生效而努力。（掌声）在明年核安全峰会（Nuclear Security Summit）上我们将推动的目标是，在4年之内使全世界所有处境危险的核材料得到妥善管理。
如我前面所说，加强全球核不扩散机制并不是针对具体国家。它的目的是要让所有国家履行责任。这其中包括伊朗伊斯兰共和国，也包括北韩。
几十年以来，北韩选择走冲突与挑衅的道路，包括谋求核武器。这条道路通向何方应该是一目了然的。我们加强了对平壤的制裁。我们通过了迄今为止内容最广泛的联合国安理会决议，限制其从事与大规模毁灭性武器有关的活动。我们不会被威胁吓倒，我们将继续用行动而不仅仅是言辞发出明确信息：北韩拒绝承担其国际责任只会导致减少而不是增进安全。
但还有另外一条路可以走。同我们的合作伙伴携手努力——并在直接外交的支持下——美国准备为北韩提供一个不同的前景。北韩可以改变受孤立的处境和严重压制本国人民的行为，实现与国际社会融合的前景。北韩能够摆脱深度的贫困，开创一个充满经济机遇的前景——让贸易、投资和旅游业带给北韩人民一个改善生活的机会。北韩也可以不再感到越来越不安全，从而获得更加安全、更受尊重的前景。好战的态度无法赢得这种尊重。一个国家只有通过全面履行其国际义务，成为国际大家庭的一员，才能实现这个目标。
北韩实现上述前景的道路是明确的：重返六方会谈；履行已作出的承诺，包括重新加入《不扩散核武器条约》；以全面、可核实的方式实现朝鲜半岛无核化。只有在向日本家庭公布被绑架日本人的全部情况后，才可能同其邻国全面实现关系正常化。（掌声）北韩政府如果愿意改善本国人民的生活并加入国际大家庭，就需要采取上述各项措施。
我们在保持警觉应对这一挑战的同时，将同我们所有的亚洲伙伴共同抗击21世纪的跨国威胁：铲除杀害无辜的极端主义分子，制止威胁我们海上通道的海盗活动；加强我们防治传染病的努力，并努力在我们这个时代消除极端贫困；阻断贩运分子压榨妇女、儿童和移民的活动，一劳永逸地消除这种现代奴役的祸害。毫无疑问，我们必须共同努力的最后一个问题是，维护全人类的基本权利和尊严。
亚太地区的文化丰富多样，以深厚的传统和悠久的民族历史为鲜明特征。我们一次又一次地看到这个地区的人民推动人类进步的卓越才华和进取精神。但有一点也很清楚——对人权的尊重并没有削弱本土文化和经济增长，实际上还发挥了促进作用。捍卫人权能够保障以其他任何方式都难以换取的持久安全——这是日本民主的写照，同时也是美国民主的写照。
对自由与尊严的向往是全人类所共有的。因为人类拥有一些共同的追求：自由表达自己的思想，自主推选领导人；有获取信息的能力，能按照自己的意愿信仰宗教；对法治的信任以及司法平等。这些对实现稳定并不构成障碍，而是稳定的支柱。我们将永远同追求这些权利的人站在一起。
这条真理为我们对缅甸的新政策指明了方向。尽管多年来用心良苦，但不论是美国实行的制裁，还是其他方面进行的接触，都未能改善缅甸人民的生活。因此，我们现在直接向缅甸领导人清楚地表明，在出现向民主改革迈进的切实步骤前，现行制裁措施将会继续下去。我们支持一个统一、和平、繁荣和民主的缅甸。缅甸在向这个方向迈进的过程中，有可能同美国改善关系。
有一些明确的步骤是必须采取的——无条件释放包括昂山素季（Aung San Suu Kyi）在内的所有政治犯；结束与少数民族的冲突；以及在政府、民主反对派和少数民族之间就未来共同的愿景展开真正的对话。惟有如此，缅甸政府才能响应缅甸人民发出的呼声。这也是将给缅甸带来真正安全与繁荣的道路。（掌声）
这些都是美国为进一步促进亚太地区的繁荣、安全和人类尊严将采取的步骤。我们将通过与日本的亲密友谊来实施这些步骤。我们在亚太地区进行努力的过程中，与日本的友谊将永远处于中心地位。我们将作为合作伙伴这样做——通过我今天谈到的更广泛的接触。我们将作为一个太平洋国家这样做——这个国家的总统曾经在某种程度上受到地球上这个地区的影响。我们将怀着近50年来指引我们与日本人民关系的同样的意志这样做。
这些关系的历史可追溯到上个世纪中叶，太平洋地区的战火熄灭后不久。就是在那个时候，美国对日本的安全与稳定所作的承诺，连同日本人民的应变能力和勤奋精神造就了人们所称的“日本奇迹”（Japanese Miracle）——全世界在相当长一段时间内闻所未闻的经济快速强劲增长的时期。
在其后几年乃至数十年的时间里，这一奇迹扩展到整个地区，在短短一代人的时间内，亿万人民的生活和命运得到前所未有的改善。这方面的进步是在来之不易的和平环境中取得的，促使这一广袤地区的各国紧密联结的相互理解的新桥梁也会进一步增进这方面的进步。
但我们知道，仍有工作需要做——促使科学技术的新突破在太平洋两岸创造就业机会；防止地球日益变暖；使我们能制止致命武器的扩散；在一个分裂的半岛上，南方的人民能摆脱恐惧，北方的人民再不感到匮乏；让年轻女孩不因个人外貌而因其聪明才智受到重视，世界各地的年轻人都能充分发挥自己的才能、自己的能动性，在自己选择的道路上成长。
这一切都不可能一帆风顺，也不可能不经历挫折或斗争。但在此万象更新的时刻——在这片产生奇迹的土地上——历史告诉我们，这是可能做到的。这是美国的议程。这是我们与日本，与本地区各国和人民建立伙伴关系的目的。毫无疑问，作为美国的首位心系太平洋的总统，我向你们承诺，这个太平洋国家将增强并持续保持我们在世界这一极其重要地区的主导地位。
十分感谢各位。（掌声）
（完）
日本标准时间上午10:40
13 November 2009
President Obama on Issues Affecting Asia-Pacific Nations
Asia, United States “not separated by this great ocean; we are bound by it”
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
November 14, 2009
REMARKS BY PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA
Suntory Hall
Tokyo, Japan
10:12 A.M. JST
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you so much. Arigatou. Thank you very much. (Applause.) Good morning. It is a great honor to be in Tokyo — the first stop on my first visit to Asia as President of the United States. (Applause.) Thank you. It is good to be among so many of you — Japanese and I see a few Americans here — (applause) — who work every day to strengthen the bonds between our two countries, including my longtime friend and our new ambassador to Japan, John Roos. (Applause.)
It is wonderful to be back in Japan. Some of you may be aware that when I was a young boy, my mother brought me to Kamakura, where I looked up at that centuries-old symbol of peace and tranquility — the great bronze Amida Buddha. And as a child, I was more focused on the matcha ice cream. (Laughter.) And I want to thank Prime Minister Hatoyama for sharing some of those memories with more ice cream last night at dinner. (Laughter and applause.) Thank you very much. But I have never forgotten the warmth and the hospitality that the Japanese people showed a young American far from home.
And I feel that same spirit on this visit: In the gracious welcome of Prime Minister Hatoyama. In the extraordinary honor of the meeting with Their Imperial Majesties, the Emperor and Empress, on the 20th anniversary of his ascension to the Chrysanthemum Throne. In the hospitality shown by the Japanese people. And of course, I could not come here without sending my greetings and gratitude to the citizens of Obama, Japan. (Applause.)
Now, I am beginning my journey here for a simple reason. Since taking office, I have worked to renew American leadership and pursue a new era of engagement with the world based on mutual interests and mutual respect. And our efforts in the Asia Pacific will be rooted, in no small measure, through an enduring and revitalized alliance between the United States and Japan.
From my very first days in office, we have worked to strengthen the ties that bind our nations. The first foreign leader that I welcomed to the White House was the Prime Minister of Japan, and for the first time in nearly 50 years, the first foreign trip by an American Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, was to Asia, starting in Japan. (Applause.)
In two months, our alliance will mark its 50th anniversary — a day when President Dwight Eisenhower stood next to Japan’s Prime Minister and said that our two nations were creating “an indestructible partnership” based on “equality and mutual understanding.”
In the half-century since, that alliance has endured as a foundation for our security and prosperity. It has helped us become the world’s two largest economies, with Japan emerging as America’s second-largest trading partner outside of North America. It has evolved as Japan has played a larger role on the world stage, and made important contributions to stability around the world — from reconstruction in Iraq, to combating piracy off the Horn of Africa, to assistance for the people of Afghanistan and Pakistan — most recently through its remarkable leadership in providing additional commitments to international development efforts there.
Above all, our alliance has endured because it reflects our common values — a belief in the democratic right of free people to choose their own leaders and realize their own dreams; a belief that made possible the election of both Prime Minister Hatoyama and myself on the promise of change. And together, we are committed to providing a new generation of leadership for our people and our alliance.
That is why, at this critical moment in history, the two of us have not only reaffirmed our alliance — we’ve agreed to deepen it. We’ve agreed to move expeditiously through a joint working group to implement the agreement that our two governments reached on restructuring U.S. forces in Okinawa. And as our alliance evolves and adapts for the future, we will always strive to uphold the spirit that President Eisenhower described long ago — a partnership of equality and mutual respect. (Applause.)
But while our commitment to this region begins in Japan, it doesn’t end here. The United States of America may have started as a series of ports and cities along the Atlantic Ocean, but for generations we have also been a nation of the Pacific. Asia and the United States are not separated by this great ocean; we are bound by it. We are bound by our past — by the Asian immigrants who helped build America, and the generations of Americans in uniform who served and sacrificed to keep this region secure and free. We are bound by our shared prosperity — by the trade and commerce upon which millions of jobs and families depend. And we are bound by our people — by the Asian Americans who enrich every segment of American life, and all the people whose lives, like our countries, are interwoven.
My own life is a part of that story. I am an American President who was born in Hawaii and lived in Indonesia as a boy. My sister Maya was born in Jakarta, and later married a Chinese-Canadian. My mother spent nearly a decade working in the villages of Southeast Asia, helping women buy a sewing machine or an education that might give them a foothold in the world economy. So the Pacific Rim has helped shape my view of the world.
And since that time, perhaps no region has changed as swiftly or dramatically. Controlled economies have given way to open markets. Dictatorships have become democracies. Living standards have risen while poverty has plummeted. And through all these changes, the fortunes of America and the Asia Pacific have become more closely linked than ever before.
So I want everyone to know, and I want everybody in America to know, that we have a stake in the future of this region, because what happens here has a direct effect on our lives at home. This is where we engage in much of our commerce and buy many of our goods. And this is where we can export more of our own products and create jobs back home in the process. This is a place where the risk of a nuclear arms race threatens the security of the wider world, and where extremists who defile a great religion plan attacks on both our continents. And there can be no solution to our energy security and our climate challenge without the rising powers and developing nations of the Asia Pacific.
To meet these common challenges, the United States looks to strengthen old alliances and build new partnerships with the nations of this region. To do this, we look to America’s treaty alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, Thailand and the Philippines — alliances that are not historical documents from a bygone era, but abiding commitments to each other that are fundamental to our shared security.
These alliances continue to provide the bedrock of security and stability that has allowed the nations and peoples of this region to pursue opportunity and prosperity that was unimaginable at the time of my first childhood visit to Japan. And even as American troops are engaged in two wars around the world, our commitment to Japan’s security and to Asia’s security is unshakeable — (applause) — and it can be seen in our deployments throughout the region — above all, through our young men and women in uniform, of whom I am so proud.
Now, we look to emerging nations that are poised as well to play a larger role — both in the Asia Pacific region and the wider world; places like Indonesia and Malaysia that have adopted democracy, developed their economies, and tapped the great potential of their own people.
We look to rising powers with the view that in the 21st century, the national security and economic growth of one country need not come at the expense of another. I know there are many who question how the United States perceives China’s emergence. But as I have said, in an interconnected world, power does not need to be a zero-sum game, and nations need not fear the success of another. Cultivating spheres of cooperation — not competing spheres of influence — will lead to progress in the Asia Pacific. (Applause.)
Now, as with any nation, America will approach China with a focus on our interests. And it’s precisely for this reason that it is important to pursue pragmatic cooperation with China on issues of mutual concern, because no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century alone, and the United States and China will both be better off when we are able to meet them together. That’s why we welcome China’s effort to play a greater role on the world stage — a role in which their growing economy is joined by growing responsibility. China’s partnership has proved critical in our effort to jumpstart economic recovery. China has promoted security and stability in Afghanistan and Pakistan. And it is now committed to the global nonproliferation regime, and supporting the pursuit of denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.
So the United States does not seek to contain China, nor does a deeper relationship with China mean a weakening of our bilateral alliances. On the contrary, the rise of a strong, prosperous China can be a source of strength for the community of nations.
And so in Beijing and beyond, we will work to deepen our strategic and economic dialogue, and improve communication between our militaries. Of course, we will not agree on every issue, and the United States will never waver in speaking up for the fundamental values that we hold dear — and that includes respect for the religion and cultures of all people — because support for human rights and human dignity is ingrained in America. But we can move these discussions forward in a spirit of partnership rather than rancor.
In addition to our bilateral relations, we also believe that the growth of multilateral organizations can advance the security and prosperity of this region. I know that the United States has been disengaged from many of these organizations in recent years. So let me be clear: Those days have passed. As a Asia Pacific nation, the United States expects to be involved in the discussions that shape the future of this region, and to participate fully in appropriate organizations as they are established and evolve. (Applause.)
That is the work that I will begin on this trip. The Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum will continue to promote regional commerce and prosperity, and I look forward to participating in that forum this evening. ASEAN will remain a catalyst for Southeast Asian dialogue, cooperation and security, and I look forward to becoming the first American President to meet with all 10 ASEAN leaders. (Applause.) And the United States looks forward to engaging with the East Asia Summit more formally as it plays a role in addressing the challenges of our time.
We seek this deeper and broader engagement because we know our collective future depends on it. And I’d like to speak for a bit about what that future might look like, and what we must do to advance our prosperity, our security, and our universal values and aspirations.
First, we must strengthen our economic recovery, and pursue growth that is both balanced and sustained.
The quick, unprecedented and coordinated action taken by Asia Pacific nations and others has averted economic catastrophe, and helped us to begin to emerge from the worst recession in generations. And we have taken the historic step of reforming our international economic architecture, so that the G20 is now the premier forum for international economic cooperation.
Now, this shift to the G20, along with the greater voice that is being given to Asian nations in international financial institutions, clearly demonstrates the broader, more inclusive engagement that America seeks in the 21st century. And as a key member of the G8, Japan has and will continue to play a leading and vital role in shaping the future of the international financial architecture. (Applause.)
Now that we are on the brink of economic recovery, we must also ensure that it can be sustained. We simply cannot return to the same cycles of boom and bust that led to a global recession. We can’t follow the same policies that led to such imbalanced growth. One of the important lessons this recession has taught us is the limits of depending primarily on American consumers and Asian exports to drive growth — because when Americans found themselves too heavily in debt or lost their jobs and were out of work, demand for Asian goods plummeted. When demand fell sharply, exports from this region fell sharply. Since the economies of this region are so dependent on exports, they stopped growing. And the global recession only deepened.
So we have now reached one of those rare inflection points in history where we have the opportunity to take a different path. And that must begin with the G20 pledge that we made in Pittsburgh to pursue a new strategy for balanced economic growth.
I’ll be saying more about this in Singapore, but in the United States, this new strategy will mean that we save more and spend less, reform our financial systems, reduce our long-term deficit and borrowing. It will also mean a greater emphasis on exports that we can build, produce, and sell all over the world. For America, this is a jobs strategy. Right now, our exports support millions upon millions of well-paying American jobs. Increasing those exports by just a small amount has the potential to create millions more. These are jobs making everything from wind turbines and solar panels to the technology that you use every day.
For Asia, striking this better balance will provide an opportunity for workers and consumers to enjoy higher standards of living that their remarkable increases in productivity have made possible. It will allow for greater investments in housing and infrastructure and the service sector. And a more balanced global economy will lead to prosperity that reaches further and deeper.
For decades, the United States has had one of the most open markets in the world, and that openness has helped to fuel the success of so many countries in this region and others over the last century. In this new era, opening other markets around the globe will be critical not just to America’s prosperity, but to the world’s, as well.
An integral part of this new strategy is working towards an ambitious and balanced Doha agreement — not any agreement, but an agreement that will open up markets and increase exports around the world. We are ready to work with our Asian partners to see if we can achieve that objective in a timely fashion — and we invite our regional trading partners to join us at the table.
We also believe that continued integration of the economies of this region will benefit workers, consumers, and businesses in all our nations. Together, with our South Korean friends, we will work through the issues necessary to move forward on a trade agreement with them. The United States will also be engaging with the Trans-Pacific Partnership countries with the goal of shaping a regional agreement that will have broad-based membership and the high standards worthy of a 21st century trade agreement.
Working in partnership, this is how we can sustain this recovery and advance our common prosperity. But it’s not enough to pursue growth that is balanced. We also need growth that is sustainable — for our planet and the future generations that will live here.
Already, the United States has taken more steps to combat climate change in 10 months than we have in our recent history — (applause) — by embracing the latest science, by investing in new energy, by raising efficiency standards, forging new partnerships, and engaging in international climate negotiations. In short, America knows there is more work to do — but we are meeting our responsibility, and will continue to do so.
And that includes striving for success in Copenhagen. I have no illusions that this will be easy, but the contours of a way forward are clear. All nations must accept their responsibility. Those nations, like my own, who have been the leading emitters must have clear reduction targets. Developing countries will need to take substantial actions to curb their emissions, aided by finance and technology. And there must be transparency and accountability for domestic actions.
Each of us must do what we can to grow our economies without endangering our planet — and we must do it together. But the good news is that if we put the right rules and incentives in place, it will unleash the creative power of our best scientists, engineers, and entrepreneurs. It will lead to new jobs, new businesses, and entire new industries. And Japan has been at the forefront on this issue. We are looking forward to being a important partner with you as we achieve this critical global goal. (Applause.)
Yet, even as we confront this challenge of the 21st century, we must also redouble our efforts to meet a threat to our security that is the legacy of the 20th century — the danger posed by nuclear weapons.
In Prague, I affirmed America’s commitment to rid the world of nuclear weapons, and laid out a comprehensive agenda to pursue this goal. (Applause.) I am pleased that Japan has joined us in this effort, for no two nations on Earth know better what these weapons can do, and together we must seek a future without them. This is fundamental to our common security, and this is a great test of our common humanity. Our very future hangs in the balance.
Now, let me be clear: So long as these weapons exist, the United States will maintain a strong and effective nuclear deterrent that guarantees the defense of our allies — including South Korea and Japan. (Applause.)
But we must recognize that an escalating nuclear arms race in this region would undermine decades of growth and prosperity. So we are called upon to uphold the basic bargain of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty — that all nations have a right to peaceful nuclear energy; that nations with nuclear weapons have a responsibility to move toward nuclear disarmament; and those without nuclear weapons have a responsibility to forsake them.
Indeed, Japan serves as an example to the world that true peace and power can be achieved by taking this path. (Applause.) For decades, Japan has enjoyed the benefits of peaceful nuclear energy, while rejecting nuclear arms development — and by any measure, this has increased Japan’s security and enhanced its position.
To meet our responsibilities and to move forward with the agenda I laid out in Prague, we have passed, with the help of Japan, a unanimous U.N. Security Council resolution embracing this international effort. We are pursuing a new agreement with Russia to reduce our nuclear stockpiles. We will work to ratify and bring into force the test ban treaty. (Applause.) And next year at our Nuclear Security Summit, we will advance our goal of securing all the world’s vulnerable nuclear materials within four years.
Now, as I’ve said before, strengthening the global nonproliferation regime is not about singling out any individual nations. It’s about all nations living up to their responsibilities. That includes the Islamic Republic of Iran. And it includes North Korea.
For decades, North Korea has chosen a path of confrontation and provocation, including the pursuit of nuclear weapons. It should be clear where this path leads. We have tightened sanctions on Pyongyang. We have passed the most sweeping U.N. Security Council resolution to date to restrict their weapons of mass destruction activities. We will not be cowed by threats, and we will continue to send a clear message through our actions, and not just our words: North Korea’s refusal to meet its international obligations will lead only to less security — not more.
Yet there is another path that can be taken. Working in tandem with our partners — supported by direct diplomacy — the United States is prepared to offer North Korea a different future. Instead of an isolation that has compounded the horrific repression of its own people, North Korea could have a future of international integration. Instead of gripping poverty, it could have a future of economic opportunity — where trade and investment and tourism can offer the North Korean people the chance at a better life. And instead of increasing insecurity, it could have a future of greater security and respect. This respect cannot be earned through belligerence. It must be reached by a nation that takes its place in the international community by fully living up to its international obligations.
So the path for North Korea to realize this future is clear: a return to the six-party talks; upholding previous commitments, including a return to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty; and the full and verifiable denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. And full normalization with its neighbors can also only come if Japanese families receive a full accounting of those who have been abducted. (Applause.) These are all steps that can be taken by the North Korean government if they are interested in improving the lives of their people and joining the community of nations.
And as we are vigilant in confronting this challenge, we will stand with all of our Asian partners in combating the transnational threats of the 21st century: by rooting out the extremists who slaughter the innocent, and stopping the piracy that threatens our sea lanes; by enhancing our efforts to stop infectious disease, and working to end extreme poverty in our time; and by shutting down the traffickers who exploit women, children and migrants, and putting a stop to this scourge of modern-day slavery once and for all. Indeed, the final area in which we must work together is in upholding the fundamental rights and dignity of all human beings.
The Asia Pacific region is rich with many cultures. It is marked by extraordinary traditions and strong national histories. And time and again, we have seen the remarkable talent and drive of the peoples of this region in advancing human progress. Yet this much is also clear — indigenous cultures and economic growth have not been stymied by respect for human rights; they have been strengthened by it. Supporting human rights provides lasting security that cannot be purchased in any other way — that is the story that can be seen in Japan’s democracy, just as it can be seen in America’s democracy.
The longing for liberty and dignity is a part of the story of all peoples. For there are certain aspirations that human beings hold in common: the freedom to speak your mind, and choose your leaders; the ability to access information, and worship how you please; confidence in the rule of law, and the equal administration of justice. These are not impediments to stability, they are the cornerstones of stability. And we will always stand on the side of those who seek these rights.
That truth, for example, guides our new approach to Burma. Despite years of good intentions, neither sanctions by the United States nor engagement by others succeeded in improving the lives of the Burmese people. So we are now communicating directly with the leadership to make it clear that existing sanctions will remain until there are concrete steps toward democratic reform. We support a Burma that is unified, peaceful, prosperous, and democratic. And as Burma moves in that direction, a better relationship with the United States is possible.
There are clear steps that must be taken — the unconditional release of all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi; an end to conflicts with minority groups; and a genuine dialogue between the government, the democratic opposition and minority groups on a shared vision for the future. That is how a government in Burma will be able to respond to the needs of its people. That is the path that will bring Burma true security and prosperity. (Applause.)
These are steps that the United States will take to improve prosperity, security, and human dignity in the Asia Pacific. We will do so through our close friendship with Japan — which will always be a centerpiece of our efforts in the region. We will do so as a partner — through the broader engagement that I’ve discussed today. We will do so as a Pacific nation — with a President who was shaped in part by this piece of the globe. And we will do so with the same sense of purpose that has guided our ties with the Japanese people for nearly 50 years.
The story of how these ties were forged dates back to the middle of the last century, sometime after the guns of war had quieted in the Pacific. It was then that America’s commitment to the security and stability of Japan, along with the Japanese peoples’ spirit of resilience and industriousness, led to what’s been called “the Japanese miracle” — a period of economic growth that was faster and more robust than anything the world had seen for some time.
In the coming years and decades, this miracle would spread throughout the region, and in a single generation the lives and fortunes of millions were forever changed for the better. It is progress that has been supported by a hard-earned peace, and strengthened by new bridges of mutual understanding that have bound together the nations of this vast and sprawling space.
But we know that there’s still work to be done — so that new breakthroughs in science and technology can lead to jobs on both sides of the Pacific, and security from a warming planet; so that we can reverse the spread of deadly weapons, and — on a divided peninsula — the people of South can be freed from fear, and those in the North can live free from want; so that a young girl can be valued not for her body but for her mind; and so that young people everywhere can go as far as their talent and their drive and their choices will take them.
None of this will come easy, nor without setback or struggle. But at this moment of renewal — in this land of miracles — history tells us it is possible. This is the --America’s agenda. This is the purpose of our partnership with Japan, and with the nations and peoples of this region. And there must be no doubt: As America’s first Pacific President, I promise you that this Pacific nation will strengthen and sustain our leadership in this vitally important part of the world.
Thank you very much. (Applause.)
END  10:40 A.M. JST
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