我将如何奉献（How can I serve）？——耶鲁大学校长在2010届毕业典礼上的讲话

我将如何奉献（How can I serve）？*
——耶鲁大学校长在2010届毕业典礼上的讲话
理查德·查·莱文
你们刚刚完成了一段伟大的旅程。四年来，你们在一个充满了财富的地方不断探索。全世界最聪慧、最富创造力的学者和专家为你们授课；你们拥有其他学校望尘莫及的图书馆；你们的博物馆包罗人间百态、宇宙万象；你们可以欣赏到第一流的音乐和戏剧；你们有充满活力的校内外体育竞技；你们身边是一群永远卓俊的同学——这一切，都在一座座本身就充满了灵性与诗意的建筑中为你们呈现。你们与来自五十个州、五十个国家的同学朝夕相处。你们中的许多人都曾利用耶鲁充足的国际资源，拓展了自己在海外学习与生活的经验。
在课堂里，你们完整而严密的独立思考能力通过所学课程不断得到发展。你们的批判精神和思辨习惯不断经受考验。这对你们未来的发展与成功至关重要。在课堂以外，你们的团队精神和领导才能在数百个学生组织的活动中得到提升。你们的海外经历加深了你们对不同价值观、不同文化的包容与理解。你们因此成为与世界相联通的全球公民。也许你们自己还没有意识到，你们已经为人生的下一步做好了准备。
你们心中想必对未来还有一些踌躇与顾虑。如果我们依历史预测未来，那么我们知道，光明坦途就在你们脚下。你们自身的禀赋，以及在这里所经历的成长，将必定帮助你们在所选择的道路上取得成功。我们也希望你们能够相互扶持。回想你们所亲历过的校友们的馈赠，比如院长茶会、客座演讲、学院研讨，你们就会意识到，这所学校的生活正是倚赖毕业生们的执著与付出而如此丰富多彩。当你们感谢父母时，你们也需要明白，正是一代代耶鲁毕业生的回馈，支撑着属于你们的这个集体。
也许我对你们未来将会实现的人生价值和取得的事业成就过于乐观了。但是我不这么认为。假如你同意我的观点，那么请允许我提出一个问题，一个深植于耶鲁之精神与传统，以至于你们中的许多人都已经把他看作与生俱来的问题，那就是：我将如何奉献（How can I serve）？你将如何把你在学院中为集体奉献、在纽黑文为这座城市奉献的精神，带到你的生活之中，去改善你身边每一个人的生活？这样重要的一个问题，在现在这样的时刻提出，正当其时。请让我先解释为什么要提出这样的问题，然后让我们看看应该如何来回答。
亚里士多德说，我们每一个人都是天生的政治动物。但是在他眼里，当今的我们也许早已经成为了一个完全陌生的种群。十八个月前，美国选举出了一位新总统。他肩负的使命是全面而深入地解决这个国家所遭遇到的最紧迫的问题——教育，医保，气候变化，以及重塑美国的国际形象。在选战的后半段，金融危机的影响扩散开来，于是经济复苏与金融业改革也被提上日程，列入了这本已十分宏伟的计划。
之后发生的事情并没有让我们相信当前的体制可以有能力解决这些问题。我们出台的复苏计划远没有达到预期的效果，而中国采取的相应措施比我们有效的多。十五个月过去了，美国的失业率仍然高达9.9%。经过几个月的拖延，国会终于通过了一项惠及几百万家庭的医疗保障计划。但是与之相关的高昂成本会让我们未来几十年负债累累，国会对此却完全无人问津。在哥本哈根我们没能就全球气候变化达成任何有价值的协议。不仅如此，金融业改革的可能性也在对关键症结的误解和对报复性举措的滥用中消耗殆尽。
为什么会这样？请先让我提出我的两点看法，然后让我们看看这与你们未来的政治生涯以及公民身份有什么联系。第一，当今的政治决策过程中往往充斥着为了迎合普通选民肤浅的诉求而刻意简单化的意识形态。第二，美国的政客为了确保再次当选，对手握重金的利益集团过于看重，而对他们的行为到底会给普罗大众带来怎样的利害却漠不关心。
在联邦党人宪章第十篇中，詹姆斯.麦迪逊针对美国宪法刚刚确立的共和政体论述过我上面的第二点看法。他指出，对个人利益的追求永远无法被完全消灭，但是一个良好的政治制度却可以最大限度地消除这种追求的负面影响。麦迪逊认为，相比起人人追逐自我利益的直接民主体制，共和体制将会更有效地推选出代表最广泛群众利益的人民代表。不仅如此，他还认为，一个由许多不同利益诉求所构成的大共和体，相比起由一小撮竞争党派构成的小共和体，更易于推动人民代表克服狭隘主义的局限。
但是自麦迪逊的时代以来，我们的政府形式所能发挥的对意识形态和党派争端的限制作用已经被大大削弱。导致这一变化的原因至少有两点。第一，大众传媒手段的普及放大了简单政治口号对普通选民的影响作用。当然，大众传媒手段的兴起可以通过对选民的教育而达到提高政治决策水平的目的。但是由于结合了第二点原因，即大众传媒时代的选战胜利往往对特殊利益集团的政治献金过于依赖，大众传媒手段便往往被这些利益集团所利用，通过散布过于简单化的信息，来达到扭曲政治决策的目的。
这样的变化对于推行科学有效的公共政策所产生的阻碍作用是显而易见的。比如说，反对医疗保障改革的利益集团给降低医保成本的计划贴上了“死刑审判”的标签，从而使得这些计划无法得以推行。他们通过鼓吹“政府不干涉医疗保障事业”来阻碍公共医疗保险机制的创立与推进。实际上，仅退休医保、医疗低保、退伍医保三项，就承担了这个国家超过40%的医疗保障成本。我并不想在此事上加入个人偏见（也许我已经加入了）。我只想指出，公共医疗事业的决策过程，如今早已被意识形态和集团利益所扭曲和左右。
我们要怎样做，才能在全国乃至全球范围内，逐渐克服这样过于简单化的意识形态趋势和狭隘主义？我认为，我们需要你们在坐的每一个人来改变政治决策的过程。你们来到这里接受教育，为的是培养你们的思辨能力，为的是让你们学会区分什么是正确的，什么是肤浅的、误导的、蛊惑的。无论你们所学习的是文学、哲学、历史、政治、经济、生物、物理、化学，还是工程，你们都已经可以深入思考，辨识矛盾与悖理之处，并最终得出你们自己的正确结论。你们不仅可以运用这些能力去取得个人的成功，你们也可以为公众的利益做出贡献。
在这样一个欣欣向荣的集体里，你们获得的点滴教育都指引着你们为超越自身利益的事业而付出努力。在你们的学院里，你们明白了只有互相尊重、互相理解，并且有时牺牲个人诉求，才能构建起一个和谐的集体。这些精神应该在你们离开耶鲁之后的生活中得到延续。如果你们将为解决这个国家的问题而奋斗，或者跨越国界，为解决全世界所面临的诸如气候变化、恐怖主义、核武扩散等问题而奋斗，你们都必须明白，耶鲁教育的成果，是为了帮助你们，在智力上与道义上，都取得超越个人利益的成功。
我知道你们中的许多人一毕业就将成为人民公仆。我也希望你们中的更多人最终会加入这个行列。公共事业的许多领域都需要你们这样的毕业生去为之努力，不论是作为短期计划，还是作为终身事业。你们中的许多人都已经报名成为教师。其他人也许会进入商业或者技术领域。无论你们选择了怎样的道路，你们都可以为这个国家和世界做出贡献，只要你们记住，政治决策过程不是用来为意识形态和个人利益服务的。为了克服短浅的意识形态局限，你们必须用你们的思辨能力去考量每一个问题，最终得出全面而科学的结论。为了克服狭隘主义，你们必须把耶鲁赋予你们的道德力量发扬光大，而这道德力量的缘起，就是为人民服务的黄金法则。无论你们是为政府工作，还是行使你们作为公民与选民的权利，你们都需要意识到，唯有超越个人利益而惠及整个人类文明的决策，才能最大限度地服务我们每一个人。唯有提高政治决策的水平，我们才能克服意识形态和党派争端的局限。你们，作为你们这一代人未来的领袖，必须去直面这样的挑战。
为了努力捍卫一个年轻共和国的宪法，亚历山大·汉密尔顿在联邦党人宪章第一篇第一段里写道：
许多例证都表明，这个国家的人民最关注的重要问题，是这个社会能否在反思与抉择的基础之上，建立一个好的政府……
从两百二十多年的美国历史来看，汉密尔顿所提出的问题，应该早已有了一个肯定的答案。我们构建在人民代表制度基础上的政府与体制是经得起考验的；我们的法制化进程不断推进；我们对个人自由的保障远超出了开国元勋们的设想。但是今天，面对过于简单化的意识形态，和日益主宰政治决策过程的狭隘特殊利益，我们必须重新思考，汉密尔顿的问题是否仍然有相同的答案。
耶鲁大学2010届的毕业生们：你们作为同辈中受过良好教育的未来领袖，肩负着超越意识形态和党派局限的历史责任。你们必须用你们过人的智慧和思辨的精神去提升政治决策的水平。你们必须以公民的身份响应时代的号召。只有通过你们的努力，我们才能保证我们的未来一代能够在“反思与抉择”的基础之上为整个人类文明的福祉服务。你一定能做到。当然可以。
2010年5月23日
详细出处请参考：http://bbs.rankedu.com/viewthread.php?tid=31862&extra=page%3D1
*说明：标题《我将如何奉献（How can I serve）？》是我所加。原文标题是Reclaiming Politics，有翻译成《回归政治的本来面目》，有翻译成《重塑政治》的，我把莱文校长讲话中的一句话拿来作标题的考虑是：第一避开说政治（中国人对政治的理解非常狭隘，这正是莱文先生批评的简化的意识形态和狭隘主义双重表现），第二想突出“奉献”（serve，服务）的核心意义。
**杨福家校长刚刚发来耶鲁大学校长讲话的原稿，现附录在此，希望有心的方家重新翻译，拜托拜托！——钱  宏
Baccalaureate Address: Reclaiming Politics
President Richard C. Levin
May 23, 2010
Yale University
What a journey you have had! Four years of exploring a place so rich with treasure: courses taught by some of the world’s most brilliant and creative scholars and scientists, a library with few peers, museums that expose you to the full variety of nature and human cultures, musical and theatrical performances of the highest quality, vigorous intercollegiate and intramural athletic programs, and classmates whose excellence never ceases to astonish – and all this set within the imposing and inspiring architecture of a campus that is itself a museum. You have had the chance to interact with classmates from 50 states and 50 nations, and the great majority of you have taken advantage of Yale’s abundant international programs to spend a semester or a summer abroad.
In the classroom, you were encouraged to engage thoroughly and rigorously in thinking independently about the subjects you studied. You were challenged to develop the powers of critical reasoning fundamental to success in any life endeavor. Outside the classroom, as you worked productively in the hundreds of organizations you joined or founded, you exercised the skills of teamwork and leadership. In your overseas experiences, you deepened your capacity for understanding those whose values and cultures differ from your own – preparing you for citizenship in a globally interconnected world. You may not recognize this in yourselves, but you are ready for what is next.
Understandably, you may be uncertain and a bit anxious about what lies ahead. But, if history is to be trusted, you will find many paths open to you. Because of the talent you possessed before you came here, as well as the intellectual and personal growth you have experienced here, you will find, with high likelihood, success in your chosen endeavors. And we expect you to stay connected. The vibrant life of this university is greatly enriched by the deep commitment and active participation of its graduates – think of all the master’s teas and guest lectures and college seminars offered by our alumni. And keep in mind that when you thanked your parents a few moments ago, you might also have been thanking the generations of Yale graduates whose gifts past and present supported half the total cost of your education.
Perhaps I am overconfident about your prospects for personal fulfillment and professional success, but I don’t think so. If you will concede my point for the sake of argument, let’s ask the next question, one so deeply rooted in Yale’s mission and tradition that for most of you, fortunately, it has become ingrained. And that question is: how can I serve? How can I contribute to the wellbeing of those around me, much as we all have done in building communities within the residential colleges and volunteering in so many valuable roles in the city of New Haven? Now is an important time to be asking this question. Let me suggest why, and then let me suggest an answer.
Aristotle tells us that we are by nature political animals. But one wonders whether he would recognize the species that we have become. Eighteen months ago, the United States elected a new president who was prepared to address, intelligently and collaboratively, the most pressing problems confronting the nation – education, health care, climate change, and improving America’s image in the rest of the world. Late in the election campaign, the financial crisis intervened, and economic recovery and financial sector reform were added to this ambitious agenda.
What has happened since does not inspire great confidence in the capacity of our system to deal intelligently with important problems. We legislated a stimulus package that was less effective than it should have been, and far less effective than the corresponding measures undertaken in China. Fifteen months later, unemployment in the United States is still 9.9%. After months of stalemate, Congress enacted a health care bill that extends care to millions of uncovered individuals and families, but takes only the most tentative steps toward containing the escalating costs that will create an unsustainable burden of public debt within the next decade or two. We failed to address climate change in time to achieve a meaningful global agreement in Copenhagen. And, although financial sector reform now seems to be a possibility, the debate has been replete with misunderstanding of what actually went wrong and a misplaced desire for revenge.
Why is this happening? Let me make two observations, and then trace their implications for how you might conduct yourselves as citizens and participants in political life. First, contemporary political discussion is too often dominated by oversimplified ideologies with superficial appeal to voters. And, second, political actors in the United States give too much weight to the interests of groups with the resources to influence their re-election, and too little attention to the costs and benefits of their actions on the wider public.
In The Federalist (No. 10), James Madison addresses the second of these observations, in the context of the fledgling republic established by the U.S. Constitution. He notes that the tendency to pursue self-interest can never be entirely suppressed, but it can be mitigated by the proper design of political institutions. In contrast to a direct democracy where individuals would tend to vote their own interests, a republican form of government, Madison argues, will have a greater tendency to select representatives who attend to the broader interests of the whole. And, he further argues, representatives in a large republic constituted of a wide range of divergent interests will find it easier to rise above parochialism than those in a smaller republic comprised of a small number of competing factions.
The protections that our form of government offers against ideology and faction have attenuated greatly since Madison’s time, for at least two reasons. First, mass communication increases the opportunity to sway voters by appeal to simple formulations. Of course, the rise of mass communication could be a tool for raising the level of discourse through more effective education of the electorate. But it interacts with the second attenuating factor: that the money required to win elections through the media has created a dependence on funding from special interest groups. And it is these interest groups who distort reasoned dialogue by sponsoring oversimplified messages.
It is easy to see how these developments have thwarted recent efforts to shape responsible public policy. For example, the interest groups opposing health care reform defeated efforts to contain costs by labeling them “death panels,” and they defeated the creation of a new public vehicle for providing health insurance by insisting that we must “keep government out of the health care business,” when in fact Medicare, Medicaid, and the Veterans Administration already pay nearly 40 per cent of the nation’s health care bill. I am not taking sides here, only pointing to the fact that intelligent debate on these subjects was crowded out by ideological distortion.
How can we create a national and global dialogue that transcends such oversimplification and parochialism? Let me suggest that we need each of you to raise the level of debate. You came here to develop your powers of critical thinking, to separate what makes sense from what is superficial, misleading, and seductive. Whether you have studied literature, philosophy, history, politics, economics, biology, physics, chemistry, or engineering, you have been challenged to think deeply, to identify the inconsistent and illogical, and to reason your way to intelligent conclusions. You can apply these powers of critical discernment not simply to fulfill personal aspirations, but to make a contribution to public life.
Every signal you have received in this nurturing community has been unwavering in its message that the growth of your competencies is not to benefit you alone. You have learned in your residential colleges that building a successful community has required you to respect and value one another, and, when appropriate, to moderate your own desires for the benefit of the whole. And so it should be in your lives after Yale. If you are to help to solve this nation’s problems – or work across national boundaries to address global problems such as climate, terrorism, and nuclear proliferation – you will need to draw upon both these fruits of a Yale education: the capacity to reason and the ethical imperative to think beyond your own self-interest.
I know that many of you are taking advantage of these first years after graduation to take up public service, and I hope that even more of you will consider this path. There are plenty of jobs in the public sector for enterprising recent graduates; many are short-term but others may lead to careers. Many of you have signed up to be teachers. Others will enter business or the professions. But whatever choice you make, you can help to strengthen the nation and the world – by treating political choices not as triggers for an ideological reflex and not as opportunities to maximize self-interest. To combat reflexive ideologies, you must use the powers of reason that you have developed here to sift through the issues to reach thoughtful, intelligent conclusions. To combat parochialism, you must draw upon the ethical imperative that Yale has imbued in you – an imperative that begins with the golden rule. Whether you serve in government directly or simply exercise your responsibilities as a citizen and voter, recognize that we will all be best served if we take account not merely of our own self-interest, but the broader interests of humanity. To move beyond ideology and faction, we need to raise the level of political discourse. You, as the emerging leaders of your generation, must rise to this challenge.
In first paragraph of The Federalist (No. 1), writing about the infant republic whose constitution he was endeavoring to defend, Alexander Hamilton asserts:
It has frequently been remarked, that it seems to have been reserved to the people of this country, by their conduct and example, to decide the important question, whether societies … are really capable or not, of establishing good government from reflection and choice …
There is much in America’s history of the past two and a quarter centuries that would incline us to conclude that Hamilton’s question has been answered in the affirmative. Our institutions of representative government have proven themselves to be durable; the rule of law has prevailed, and the scope of personal liberty has expanded far beyond what the founders envisioned. But today, in the face of oversimplified ideology and the dominance of narrow interests, we must wonder again whether Hamilton’s question is still open.
Women and men of the Yale College class of 2010: It falls to you, the superbly educated leaders of your generation, to rise above ideology and faction, to bring to bear your intelligence and powers of critical thinking to elevate public discourse, to participate as citizens and to answer the call to service. Only with your commitment can we be certain that our future will be decided by “reflection and choice” in the broad best interest of humanity. You can do it. Yes you can.