【双语阅读】奥巴马在美中战略与经济对话首次会议上致辞

奥巴马在美中战略与经济对话首次会议上致辞（中英文）
美中战略与经济对话（U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue）首次会议于7月27日在美国首都华盛顿开幕，美国总统奥巴马致辞。以下是白宫新闻秘书办公室于当日发布的奥巴马总统开幕词全文，由美国国务院国际信息局（IIP）翻译。
（全文开始）
白宫新闻秘书办公室
2009年7月27日
巴拉克·奥巴马总统在美中战略与经济对话会议上的讲话
华盛顿哥伦比亚特区
美国东部夏令时9时35分
谢谢各位。早上好。能够在此欢迎你们前来参加美中战略与经济对话首次会议，我深感荣幸。这是推动两国积极、建设性、全面关系的极其重要的步骤。胡锦涛主席同我一样致力于为增进两国的共同利益而开展持续对话，我对此感到高兴。
胡主席和我都认为两国关系有一个良好的开端很重要。当然，作为一位新任总统和篮球迷，我从姚明说过的话中受到启示，他说：“无论你是新队员还是老队员，你都需要时间相互适应。”通过我们已经举行的建设性会晤和这项对话，我深信我们能够达到姚明提出的标准。
我来介绍一下将共同主持这一对话的美中两国卓越的领导人。希拉里·克林顿（Hillary Clinton）和蒂姆·盖特纳（Tim Geithner）是与我接触最密切的顾问中的两位，他们在与中国合作方面都有非凡的经验。我知道他们的对话伙伴王岐山副总理和戴秉国国务委员也是能力超凡并坚定地致力于对话。
我还期待乔恩·亨茨曼（Jon Huntsman，中文名洪博培）州长通过确认，成为一位出色的美国驻华大使。他今天也在座。乔恩在亚洲有丰富的生活和工作经历，并且，同我不一样的是，他能说一口流利的中国普通话。他还是一位共和党人，曾任麦凯恩（McCain）参议员总统竞选团队的共同主席。我认为，这反映了乔恩为国效劳的坚定承诺以及两党对发展积极和富有成果的美中关系的广泛、一致的支持。谢谢您，乔恩，谢谢您同意担任这项职务。
今天，我们在一个见证了上个世纪历史的大楼里开会。这里有伍德罗·威尔逊（Woodrow Wilson）总统的国家纪念馆。他任职于20世纪初期，当时，美国在世界上刚刚崭露头角。这座大楼以罗纳德·里根（Ronald Reagan）的名字命名。里根在两次世界大战期间成年，在他担任总统时期，美国政府帮助迎来了一个新的历史时代。这座大楼里还陈列着象征几十年对立的柏林墙（Berlin Wall）的一块砖石，这堵墙的最终拆除引发了全球化的潮流，这一潮流至今仍在继续塑造我们的世界。
100年前，在20世纪初期，显然有两种极其重要的选择等待人们去作出——关于国界和人权的选择。但是，在伍德罗·威尔逊时代，谁也无法预见导致柏林那堵墙倒塌的历史进程，也无法想象这段历史所特有的冲突与动荡。对从波士顿到北京的世界各地的人们来说，20世纪是取得巨大进步的时代，但为了取得这些进步，也付出了巨大的代价。
今天，我们眺望新世纪的地平线。在我们启动这项对话的时候，我们有必要思索将影响21世纪的那些问题。是让当前的金融危机及其他事件导致经济增长停步，还是我们通过合作创造平衡而可持续的增长，帮助更多人摆脱贫困，为世界带来更大范围的繁荣？是让对能源的需求导致竞争和气候变化，还是我们通过建立伙伴关系生产清洁能源和保护我们的地球？是让核武器无止境扩散，还是我们达成新的共识，把核能仅仅用于和平目的？是让恐怖分子煽动冲突和分裂的图谋得逞，还是我们团结一致共保安全？国家和民族是拘泥于差异思维，还是我们能够找到应对共同挑战所必需的共同点，并给予每一个人应有的尊严？
我们无法确定无疑地预期未来，但我们确知将会影响我们时代的问题。我们还知道：美中关系将影响二十一世纪，因此，其重要性不亚于世界上任何一种双边关系。我们的伙伴关系必须基于这一现实。这是我们共同承担的责任。
在我们展望未来之时，我们可以借鉴过去——因为历史向我们表明，我们两国都受益于建立在共同利益和相互尊重基础之上的接触。在我任职期间，我们将迎来尼克松总统访问中国四十周年纪念日。当时，我们所处的是一个与现在大不相同的世界。在短短30年里，美国在东亚就打了三场战争，而冷战则陷于僵局。中国经济与世隔绝，中国人口的很大一部分生活在赤贫之中。
当时我们的对话建立在一个狭隘的基础上，即我们各自与苏联展开的竞争。今天，我们享有反映两国人民之间日益深化的纽带的全面关系。迄今为止，我们两国的交往时间已经超过相互隔绝的时间。两国人民的交往领域不可胜数。我认为，我们已经具备条件，将在这个时代所面临的一些最重要的议题上取得稳步进展。
我的信心基于一个事实：即美国和中国有着共同利益。如果我们通过合作来推进这些利益，我们的人民将受益，世界也会受益──因为我们相互合作的能力是在许多最紧迫的全球问题上取得进展的先决条件之一。
让我来列举出其中的一些挑战。第一，我们能够为在持久的经济复苏中增进共同利益展开合作。目前的危机表明，我们在各自国内所作的选择会引发全球经济的连锁反应──在纽约和西雅图如此，在上海和深圳也是如此。因此，我们必须继续致力于强有力的双边和多边协调。我们通过果断行动恢复增长，防止进一步衰退，保障人民的工作机会，发挥了典范作用。
未来，我们可以深化这一合作。我们可以通过增进透明度和改革监管体制来促进金融稳定。我们可以开展自由和公平的贸易，寻求达成宏大而平衡的多哈回合协议。我们可以改进国际机制，使中国等发展中经济体发挥更大的作用和承担更大的责任。当美国人增加储蓄而中国人增加消费时，我们的增长便有了更加可持续的基础──因为正如中国得益于巨大投资和赢利性出口一样，它也能够成为美国商品的巨大市场。
其次，我们能够为在清洁、安全和繁荣的能源未来中增进共同利益展开合作。美国和中国是世界上两个最大的能源消费国。我们也是世界上两个排放温室气体最多的国家。坦率地说，我们必须展开合作，否则我们两国将受制于对外国石油的更大依赖，我们的人民将饱受气候变化之苦。这是基本常识，它要求我们共同采取行动。
我们两国都在采取措施实现能源经济的转型。我们通过共同努力，能够开辟一条低碳复苏的道路；能够扩大研究和开发的合作范围，以提倡清洁能源和高效使用能源；还能够携手在哥本哈根气候变化问题会议（Climate Change Conference）及今后其他场合确立一个全球应对方案。要为增进我们的安全和繁荣推动创新，其最佳途径是使我们的市场面对新想法、新交流和新能源保持开放。
第三，我们能够合作促进我们在遏制核武器扩散方面的共同利益。毫无疑问：掌握核武器的国家越多，使用核武器的可能性就越大。恐怖主义分子谋取核弹，或是东亚地区爆发核武竞赛，既不符合美国的利益，也不符合中国的利益。正因为如此，我们必须继续合作，实现朝鲜半岛无核化，并向北韩阐明，只要他们履行自己的义务，便能走上获得安全和尊重的道路。也正因为如此，我们必须立场一致地制止伊朗谋取核武器，并敦促这个伊斯兰共和国履行其国际义务。
这并非是把矛头指向某一个国家——而是要求所有国家承担责任。我们必须共同努力，保障世界各地所有危险核材料的安全，这将是我们明年要举办的全球核问题峰会（Global Nuclear Summit）的一个重点议题。我们还必须共同努力强化《核不扩散条约》（Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty），重申其基本前提：有核武器的国家应向核裁军的目标迈进；没有核武器的国家不应谋取武器；所有国家都应有和平利用核能的途径。相互威慑的局面不可能长期维持。在21世纪，只有以一个强大的、全球性的制度为基础，才能防范世界上最具杀伤力的武器。
第四，我们能够合作增进我们在应对跨国威胁方面的共同利益。我们所面临的最紧迫的威胁不再是大国之间的竞争——而是来自滥杀无辜的极端主义分子；来自为了牟取暴利不惜危害他人的贩运分子和海盗；来自不识疆界的疾病疫情；来自滋生动荡和恐怖的压迫和内战。这些都是21世纪所面临的威胁。因此，各国增强国力的追求绝不能再被视为一场零和游戏。进步——包括安全在内——必须共享。
通过我们两军间已经增强的联系，我们能够减少造成争端的因素，同时提供一个合作框架。通过继续进行情报交换，我们能够挫败恐怖主义分子的阴谋，并捣毁恐怖主义网络。通过早期预警和协作，我们能够遏制疾病的传播。通过坚定的外交努力，我们必须履行争取以和平方式解决冲突的责任——首先可以通过再次努力结束达尔富尔地区的困苦，并促使苏丹实现全面和平。
上述所有问题都基于这样一个事实：没有任何一个国家能够单独应对21世纪的挑战，也没有任何一个国家能在闭关自守的情况下有效地增进自身利益。正是这个根本事实促使我们展开合作。我不会不切实际地以为美国和中国能就所有议题达成一致，或以同样的方式看待这个世界。前面几位讲话的人士已经阐明了这一点。但这只会增强对话的重要性 ——以使我们加深相互了解，开诚布公地??论我们关切的问题。
例如，美国对于中国帮助亿万人民摆脱贫困所取得的进展表示钦佩。正如我们尊重中国古老与辉煌的文化及其杰出成就，我们同时也深信各民族的宗教和文化应受到尊重与保护，所有的人都应该能自由地表达他们的想法，这包括中国的少数民族和少数派宗教人士，当然也包括美国的少数民族和少数派宗教人士。
对人权与人类尊严的支持在美国根深蒂固。我们的国家是由来自世界各地的移民所组成。我们通过把基本权利扩大至全体美国人保护了我们的团结，并力争使我们的合众国尽善尽美。这些权利包括表达意见、信奉神明、选择领袖的自由。这些不是我们谋求强加给人的东西，而是我们自己的民族特性。这是指导我们彼此之间和向全世界开诚布公的行为准则。
中国形成自己的世界观也有其独特的经历。美国人了解中国历史的丰富底蕴，因为它对世界也对美国产生了影响。我们了解中国人民的才能，因为他们帮助创建了美国这个伟大的国家。我本人的内阁中就有两位华裔美国人。我们知道，尽管我们之间有分歧，但通过加深与一个有13亿人口、既古老又有活力的国家之间的联系，美国将受益匪浅。这些联系能够通过加强两国人民之间的交流及两国政府之间建设性的双边关系得到巩固。这就是我们赖以减少分歧的方式。
请允许我直言不讳：我们知道有些人对未来小心翼翼。中国的有些人认为美国将试图遏制中国的雄心壮志；美国的有些人则认为一个崛起的中国有些可怕。我有不同的看法。我相信胡主席也有不同的看法。我所相信的未来是：中国是国际社会强大、繁荣和成功的一员；届时我们的国家将不仅是出于需要而且也是出于寻求机遇成为合作的伙伴。未来并非一定如此，但是，如果我们坚持进行像今天即将开始的对话，并基于我们听到和学到的内容行事，这应当是一个能够达到的目标。
数千年前，伟大的哲学家孟子曾经说过：“山径之蹊间，介然用之而成路，为间不用，则茅塞之矣。”我们的任务是要开辟出一条造福子孙后代的通向未来的道路，防止缺乏信任或不可避免的一时分歧使这条道路被杂草堵塞，要随时想到我们正在共同完成的旅程。
这项对话将有助于确定该旅程的最终目─地。它展示了我们通过持久合作——而并非对抗——来定格新??纪的承诺。我期待着在首次访问中国时进一步推动这项努力，我希望更好地了解你们的领导人、你们的人民和你们伟大的国家。我深信，只要我们携起手来，就能沿着进步的方向稳步向前，履行我们对我们的人民和我们共同的未来所承担的责任。
多谢各位。
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Obama at U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue
Jul 28, 2009
Dialogue is essential step in advancing positive, comprehensive relations
(begin transcript)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
July 27, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT THE U.S./CHINA STRATEGIC AND ECONOMIC DIALOGUE
Ronald Reagan Building and International Trade Center
Washington, D.C.
9:35 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Good morning. It is a great honor to welcome you to the first meeting of the Strategic Economic Dialogue between the United States and China. This is an essential step in advancing a positive, constructive, and comprehensive relationship between our countries. I'm pleased that President Hu shares my commitment to a sustained dialogue to enhance our shared interests.
President Hu and I both felt that it was important to get our relationship off to a good start. Of course, as a new President and also as a basketball fan, I have learned from the words of Yao Ming, who said, "No matter whether you are new or an old team member, you need time to adjust to one another." Well, through the constructive meetings that we've already had, and through this dialogue, I'm confident that we will meet Yao's standard.
I want to acknowledge the remarkable American and Chinese leaders who will co-chair this effort. Hillary Clinton and Tim Geithner are two of my closest advisors, and they have both obtained extraordinary experience working with China. And I know that they will have extremely capable and committed Chinese counterparts in State Councilor Dai and Vice Premier Wang. Thank you very much for being here.
I'm also looking forward to the confirmation of an outstanding U.S. Ambassador to China, Governor Jon Huntsman, who is here today. (Applause.) Jon has deep experience living and working in Asia, and -- unlike me -- he speaks fluent Mandarin Chinese. He also happens to be a Republican who co-chaired Senator McCain's campaign. And I think that demonstrates Jon's commitment to serving his country, and the broad, bipartisan support for positive and productive relations between the United States and China. So thank you, Jon, for your willingness to serve.
Today, we meet in a building that speaks to the history of the last century. It houses a national memorial to President Woodrow Wilson, a man who held office when the 20th century was still young, and America's leadership in the world was emerging. It is named for Ronald Reagan, a man who came of age during two World Wars, and whose presidency helped usher in a new era of history. And it holds a piece of the Berlin Wall, a decades-long symbol of division that was finally torn down, unleashing a rising tide of globalization that continues to shape our world.
One hundred years ago -- in the early days of the 20th century -- it was clear that there were momentous choices to be made -- choices about the borders of nations and the rights of human beings. But in Woodrow Wilson's day, no one could have foreseen the arc of history that led to a wall coming down in Berlin, nor could they have imagined the conflict and upheaval that characterized the years in between. For people everywhere -- from Boston to Beijing -- the 20th century was a time of great progress, but that progress also came with a great price.
Today, we look out on the horizon of a new century. And as we launch this dialogue, it's important for us to reflect upon the questions that will shape the 21st century. Will growth be stalled by events like our current financial crisis, or will we cooperate to create balanced and sustainable growth, lifting more people out of poverty and creating a broader prosperity around the world? Will the need for energy breed competition and climate change, or will we build partnerships to produce clean power and to protect our planet? Will nuclear weapons spread unchecked, or will we forge a new consensus to use this power for only peaceful purposes? Will extremists be able to stir conflict and division, or will we unite on behalf of our shared security? Will nations and peoples define themselves solely by their differences, or can we find common ground necessary to meet our common challenges, and to respect the dignity of every human being?
We can't predict with certainty what the future will bring, but we can be certain about the issues that will define our times. And we also know this: The relationship between the United States and China will shape the 21st century, which makes it as important as any bilateral relationship in the world. That really must underpin our partnership. That is the responsibility that together we bear.
As we look to the future, we can learn from our past -- for history shows us that both our nations benefit from engagement that is grounded in mutual interest and mutual respect. During my time in office, we will mark the 40th anniversary of President Nixon's trip to China. At that time, the world was much different than it is today. America had fought three wars in East Asia in just 30 years, and the Cold War was in a stalemate. China's economy was cut off from the world, and a huge percentage of the Chinese people lived in extreme poverty.
Back then, our dialogue was guided by a narrow focus on our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union. Today, we have a comprehensive relationship that reflects the deepening ties among our people. Our countries have now shared relations for longer than we were estranged. Our people interact in so many ways. And I believe that we are poised to make steady progress on some of the most important issues of our times.
My confidence is rooted in the fact that the United States and China share mutual interests. If we advance those interests through cooperation, our people will benefit and the world will be better off -- because our ability to partner with each other is a prerequisite for progress on many of the most pressing global challenges.
Let me name some of those challenges. First, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in a lasting economic recovery. The current crisis has made it clear that the choices made within our borders reverberate across the global economy -- and this is true not just in New York and Seattle, but in Shanghai and Shenzhen, as well. That is why we must remain committed to strong bilateral and multilateral coordination. And that is the example we have set by acting aggressively to restore growth, to prevent a deeper recession and to save jobs for our people.
Going forward, we can deepen this cooperation. We can promote financial stability through greater transparency and regulatory reform. We can pursue trade that is free and fair, and seek to conclude an ambitious and balanced Doha Round agreement. We can update international institutions so that growing economies like China play a greater role that matches their greater responsibility. And as Americans save more and Chinese are able to spend more, we can put growth on a more sustainable foundation -- because just as China has benefited from substantial investment and profitable exports, China can also be an enormous market for American goods.
Second, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interest in a clean, secure, and prosperous energy future. The United States and China are the two largest consumers of energy in the world. We are also the two largest emitters of greenhouse gases in the world. Let's be frank: Neither of us profits from a growing dependence on foreign oil, nor can we spare our people from the ravages of climate change unless we cooperate. Common sense calls upon us to act in concert.
Both of our countries are taking steps to transform our energy economies. Together we can chart a low carbon recovery; we can expand joint efforts at research and development to promote the clean and efficient use of energy; and we can work together to forge a global response at the Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen and beyond. And the best way to foster the innovation that can increase our security and prosperity is to keep our markets open to new ideas, new exchanges, and new sources of energy.
Third, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons. Make no mistake: The more nations acquire these weapons, the more likely it is that they will be used. Neither America nor China has an interest in a terrorist acquiring a bomb, or a nuclear arms race breaking out in East Asia. That is why we must continue our collaboration to achieve the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, and make it clear to North Korea that the path to security and respect can be traveled if they meet their obligations. And that is why we must also be united in preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, and urging the Islamic Republic to live up to its international obligations.
This is not about singling out any one nation -- it is about the responsibility of all nations. Together, we must cooperate to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world, which will be a focus of our Global Nuclear Summit next year. And together, we must strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty by renewing its basic bargain: countries with nuclear weapons will move towards disarmament; countries without nuclear weapons will not acquire them; and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy. A balance of terror cannot hold. In the 21st century, a strong and global regime is the only basis for security from the world's deadliest weapons.
And fourth, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in confronting transnational threats. The most pressing dangers we face no longer come from competition among great powers -- they come from extremists who would murder innocents; from traffickers and pirates who pursue their own profits at the expense of others; from diseases that know no borders; and from suffering and civil wars that breed instability and terror. These are the threats of the 21st century. And that is why the pursuit of power among nations must no longer be seen as a zero-sum game. Progress -- including security -- must be shared.
Through increased ties between our militaries, we can diminish causes for dispute while providing a framework for cooperation. Through continued intelligence-sharing, we can disrupt terrorist plots and dismantle terrorist networks. Through early warning and coordination, we can check the spread of disease. And through determined diplomacy, we must meet our responsibility to seek the peaceful resolution of conflict -- and that can begin with a renewed push to end the suffering in Darfur, and to promote a comprehensive peace in Sudan.
All of these issues are rooted in the fact that no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century on its own, nor effectively advance its interests in isolation. It is this fundamental truth that compels us to cooperate. I have no illusion that the United States and China will agree on every issue, nor choose to see the world in the same way. This was already noted by our previous speaker. But that only makes dialogue more important -- so that we can know each other better, and communicate our concerns with candor.
For instance, the United States respects the progress that China has made by lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. Just as we respect China's ancient and remarkable culture, its remarkable achievements, we also strongly believe that the religion and culture of all peoples must be respected and protected, and that all people should be free to speak their minds. And that includes ethnic and religious minorities in China, as surely as it includes minorities within the United States.
Support for human rights and human dignity is ingrained in America. Our nation is made up of immigrants from every part of the world. We have protected our unity and struggled to perfect our union by extending basic rights to all our people. And those rights include the freedom to speak your mind, to worship your God, and to choose your leaders. These are not things that we seek to impose -- this is who we are. It guides our openness to one another and to the world.
China has its own distinct story that shapes its own worldview. And Americans know the richness of China's history because it helped to shape the world and it helped to shape America. We know the talent of the Chinese people because they have helped to create this great country. My own Cabinet contains two Chinese Americans. And we know that despite our differences, America is enriched through deeper ties with a country of 1.3 billion people that is at once ancient and dynamic -- ties that can be forged through increased exchanges among our people, and constructive bilateral relations between our governments. That is how we will narrow our divisions.
Let us be honest: We know that some are wary of the future. Some in China think that America will try to contain China's ambitions; some in America think that there is something to fear in a rising China. I take a different view. And I believe President Hu takes a different view, as well. I believe in a future where China is a strong, prosperous and successful member of the community of nations; a future when our nations are partners out of necessity, but also out of opportunity. This future is not fixed, but it is a destination that can be reached if we pursue a sustained dialogue like the one that you will commence today, and act on what we hear and what we learn.
Thousands of years ago, the great philosopher Mencius said: "A trail through the mountains, if used, becomes a path in a short time, but, if unused, becomes blocked by grass in an equally short time." Our task is to forge a path to the future that we seek for our children -- to prevent mistrust or the inevitable differences of the moment from allowing that trail to be blocked by grass; to always be mindful of the journey that we are undertaking together.
This dialogue will help determine the ultimate destination of that journey. It represents a commitment to shape our young century through sustained cooperation, and not confrontation. I look forward to carrying this effort forward through my first visit to China, where I hope to come to know better your leaders, your people, and your majestic country. Together, I'm confident that we can move steadily in the direction of progress, and meet our responsibility to our people and to the future that we will all share.
Thank you very much.
□ 美国之音