FT.com / World Reports / Hong Kong 2005 - Politics: A further erosion of public confidence

Politics: A further erosion of public confidence
By Alexandra Harney in Hong Kong
Published: September 19 2005 16:53 | Last updated: September 19 2005 16:53
Donald Tsang抯 honeymoon is over. Less than three months after he was sworn in as Hong Kong抯 second chief executive since its 1997 return to Chinese sovereignty, he is mired in controversy.
The government has faced sharp criticism of its handling of the discovery of malachite green, a cancer-causing agent used to combat fungus, in eels and fish imported from mainland China. Mr Tsang抯 delay in warning the public of the risks and ham-handed efforts to assure people that fish was safe to eat convinced some observers that he was most concerned with protecting mainland China抯 reputation.
揑nstead of putting the onus on Hong Kong importers and fishmongers, the government must put the responsibility where it belongs: on the mainland,?wrote Frank Ching, a veteran local commentator, in a column published earlier this month.
The fracas was the latest to sting Mr Tsang, who was named successor to the unpopular Tung Chee-hwa without an election in late June. Mr Tung resigned, citing his poor health, in March, two years before the end of his term ?a departure many observers believe was orchestrated by Beijing.
Mr Tsang, who will serve for two years, also came under fire for using HK$14.5m of taxpayers?money to refurbish Government House, the colonial governors?residence where he plans to live as chief executive. The plans include spending HK$300,000 on a fish pond for Mr Tsang抯 pet carp ?a particularly lavish addition for a leader who has sought to portray himself as a man of the people.
Mr Tsang抯 popularity ratings have been falling steadily since he was sworn in, dropping from 72.3 per cent in late June to 64.8 per cent in late August, according to the University of Hong Kong抯 Public Opinion Programme.


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揚eople began to realise okay, it抯 not that different [from Mr Tung] after all,?says Ma Ngok, assistant professor at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. Even with the decline, Mr Tsang still enjoys higher support ratings than Mr Tung did in the last months of his administration.
Although only half of Hong Kong抯 60 legislators are directly elected, public opinion proved a crucial factor during Mr Tung抯 term. In July 2003, 500,000 of the territory抯 6.8m people took to the streets to protest against a government-sponsored anti-subversion bill ?a march that marked the start of a widespread erosion in public confidence in Mr Tung抯 administration.
Mr Tsang will need public support to achieve his administration抯 main mandate: reforming the way the chief executive is elected in 2007 and the legislature, formed in 2008, to make the system more democratic.
These reforms, which need the support of two-thirds of the legislature as well as approval by the chief executive and Beijing, are likely to be deeply controversial. Members of the territory抯 pro-democracy camp, which controls about 25 seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo), say they want universal suffrage in 2007 and 2008 and, failing that, a timetable for introducing such reforms. Beijing ruled out universal suffrage for those years in April 2004.
Some democrats say the proposal that has been circulating in the local media, which would see the number of legislators increased from 60 to 70, and the committee that chooses the chief executive expanded from its current 800 to 1,200, is unacceptable. The government is expected to release details on the proposal as early as this month.
Ronny Tong, a prominent pro-democracy legislator, opposes adding more seats from so-called 揻unctional constituencies??legislators who are chosen by business and community groups as part of the expansion of LegCo.
Functional constituencies which choose half of the legislators, and Beijing抯 National People抯 Congress April 2004 ruling stipulated that this ratio must remain because 搕he influence of the directly-elected members upon Hong Kong society抯 generation operation . . . remains to be tested by practice?
揥e are totally against the addition of any functional constituencies because we feel that that is a backward step away from universal suffrage,?says Mr Tong.
Democrats?leverage is limited, however. Public demand for immediate political reform is fading, as evidenced by the poor turnout for the annual march in July. This year, only about 21,000 people turned up, compared with 500,000 the two previous years. 揥e抳e got no chips to play,?admits Mr Tong.
Although surveys show a majority of Hong Kong people support democratic reform, Mr Tsang has cited an April poll by the Central Policy Unit, his top advisory body, that indicated people felt the government should focus on improving employment, governance and air quality ahead of democratic reform.
At the same time, the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong, the main pro-Beijing party, has been gaining strength. Through a recruiting drive launched late last year, the DAB has added more than 1,000 members to its ranks. Hong Kong抯 largest political party, which controls 12 seats in LegCo, now claims more than 3,000 members, according to Ma Lik, its chairman.
The drive was intended to recruit more members from the middle class, traditionally a crucial if under-represented constituency in Hong Kong. To protect the interests of its new membership, the DAB is pressing Mr Tsang to lower income and fuel taxes.
Mr Tsang抯 first two months in office illustrate that the challenges he faces will be no different from those of his predecessor. He will need to strike a careful balance among the interests of Beijing, the Hong Kong public and local political groups if he expects to keep his job after 2007.
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